Organising elections in the DRC without the Kasai means admitting that the institutions can one day function without the participation of about a fifth of the population. In so doing, we will make a dangerous step in the process of balkanization by this act, “said a pro-Majority analyst, in a new forum which, in passing, chastises the holding of hasty elections and at any price . He therefore calls on the Congolese democrats to mobilise themselves once again to resist the Belgian attempt to impose their men through an election that would exclude a large part of the Congolese population. There is a manoeuvre prepared to put the R & D. Congo fire and blood. Going back to its origins in 1960, this analyst fears that the new conquest, as it tends to take its marks through all the agitations observed for some months, uses the old-fashioned clothes of a truncated democracy to Undermine the sovereignty and independence of Congo-Kinshasa, provided that the interests of some Western powers, behind all sorts of alibis, are satisfied. Read, hereafter, the content of this free reflection. It is necessary to find ingredients of all that is here and elsewhere.

Balkanization of Congo

Elections rushed and without the Kasai is taking the Road off from Democracy to Balkanization

Belgium, which was forced to leave the Congo in 1960, seeks to return to it by all means. The new conquest wants to use the old-fashioned clothes of a truncated democracy.

The departure of the Belgians from Congo in 1960 was caused by people power that took r#to the streets, especially in Kinshasa, Lubumbashi, Kisangani and Bukavu. They were indeed overwhelmed by the popular demonstrations of 1959 that the Belgians resolved to leave the colony, for which they had prepared to remain for a long time. Ultimately, at least another 30 years, if one has to refer to the famous study of Professor Jef Van Bilsen.

Despite its official separation from its former colony of Africa, the DRC, the Belgian political class has never truly liberated itself from the link established by brutality and blood, as a result of King Leopold II at the end of the 19th century.

Despite decolonisation and the vicissitudes experienced since Lumumba’s speech of June 30, 1960, the Belgians, as frozen in time, continue to live as if they had part of themselves lost somewhere in the centre of the ‘Africa. As I was reminded, only a few days ago, a friend, the Congo is indeed the only country in the world, in relation to which Belgium feels a great nation. We must therefore believe that the connection between our land and those whom Mobutu called uncles is not only a question of material interests, but also of a kind of complexity. Here it is not the son who suffers to separate from his mother, it is the mother who refuses to cut the umbilical cord.

Belgium does not cling only by feeling. The bottom line of the question is the refusal of our “uncles” to see the “nephews” benefit alone from the riches that nature wanted to concentrate in us. Brussels has another advantage, its weight on the European chessboard is not a function of its power alone, however minimal, but also of the use that the Kingdom makes of its political relationship with Kinshasa. Brussels is present on the international scene as the specialist of the Congolese problem; The Belgians even pretend to know the Congo better than ourselves, the “bana-mayi”. With for so many reasons, it is therefore difficult for those who direct the destinies of the Kingdom, founded on 4 October 1830, to live without the Congo. This is how the Belgians are keen to maintain special ties with our country. Unfortunately, for us, they find many accomplices in our ranks.

Where the problem is that the Belgians do not stand a peer-to-peer relationship with their former colonised people. According to historical circumstances, they always arrange to find some Congolese on duty, quick to assume the unworthy task.

In 1959, in order to fight the independence struggle and to maintain the link between Belgium and the Belgian Congo, Brussels had created a Congolese political party to defend its thesis. It was the PNP or “National People’s Party”, which was to convince the Congolese that they were not yet mature enough for independence. In 1960, responsibility for safeguarding Belgian interests in Central Africa was entrusted to Moses TSHOMBE, while the most virulent of the independents, Patrice LUMUMBA, will be killed by a plot hatched by the Belgian secret services.

In the 21st century, ideological evolution no longer make it possible to impose oneself by force. Brussels can no longer draw inspiration from the methods of brutality of King Leopold II, nor even those of 1959 or 1961, so it is necessary while keeping the same objective, but change the method.

This time, the approach chosen, is to hide behind the democratic creed. It is no longer a question of imposing oneself by cutting off the hands, according to the style of King Leopold II, nor of bringing the light of Western religion and culture, but of being the vector of a universally accepted value , Of course, here truncated for the need of the cause: democracy.

For Belgium, democracy in the Congo consists, the use of propaganda, concealment and lies, in imposing a man called Moise Katumbi.

Around the world, elections come as the forum for the choice of legitimate representatives of the people. For an election to be credible, it must meet a number of criteria, first and foremost, freedom of choice. There is also an obligation to have any person entitled to vote participate in the operation. More than anything, an election concerns first the people who must elect its representatives and who will have the supreme responsibility of leading the state.

No valid election can be achieved by leaving aside a large fraction of the population.

The Congolese Democrats must therefore mobilise to resist once again the Belgian attempt to impose men on us through an election that would exclude a large part of the Congolese population. There is a manoeuvre prepared to put our country to fire and blood.

Thus, organising elections in the DRC without the Kasai means admitting that the institutions can function without the participation of about 1/5 of the population. In so doing, we will, by this act, take a dangerous step in the process of balkanization.